References
Brown, Gareth, Emma Dowling, David Harvie and Keir Milburn. 2012. Careless Talk: Social Reproduction and Fault Lines of the Crisis in the United Kingdom. Social Justice 39(1): 68–85.
Hardt, Michael. 2013. Democracy! What We are Fighting For! YouTube Lecture from 14th March 2013. Available on: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vk5I9wFtJn4, 12th August 2013.
Lorey, Isabell. 2006. Governmentality and Self-Precarization: On the Normalization of Cultural Producers. Available on: http://eipcp.net/transversal/1106/lorey/en, 15. November 2013.
Razsa, Maple and Andrej Kurnik. 2012. The Occupy Movement in Žižek’s Hometown: Direct Democracy and the Politics of Becoming. American Ethnologist 39(2): 238–258.
Ross, Kristen. 1988. The Emergence of Social Space: Rimbaud and the Paris Commune. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Skupina “Svoboda vstajnikom!” 2013. Sestavljanka za dekriminalizacijo vstaj. Nesimo jih vun! Premisleki vstajništva. Časopis za kritiko znanosti 254: 29–49.
[1] Some of the migrant workers in Slovenia who were active in the movement Invisible Workers of the World (IWW) were for a long time on a rental strike in one of the workers’ dormitories. As the construction company they worked for went bankrupt they were left without job with a huge claims in the form of unpaid salaries towards them. Because there was not much of the property of the company left and as the banks were the first ones to get their share, the workers decided not to simply wait for the money they might never get but to use the weapon they have left: they stopped paying the rent in the dormitory they lived in because the dormitory itself was a part of the leftover property of the company.
[2] Recent research that was conducted by a group of militants in Maribor is revealing the extension of repression during and after the uprisings in Maribor. To name just some events: police brutally beating up the protesters that spent the first night on the concrete floors in an improvised prison – some of them were unconscious for some time; rejecting demands for a phone call – relatives were trying to locate them for hours; ignoring prisoners’ health conditions – among that chronic diseases like asthma is (the asthmatic was previously pepper-sprayed); forcing the protesters to sign the papers they did not have a chance to read – that was the basis for trials; withholding the information about the length of detention – it lasted for a month. In the aftermath the trial was obviously biased: most of the eyewitnesses were police officers – the judge let the prosecutor call them as long as they did not find the one to confirm the story of being attacked by the protester; the defendants and their families were subjected up to a nine-hour-long trials without a chance to leave a court room – they only let out one pregnant person who felt sick; the fact that according to the police reports the same police officers were in different parts of the city centre at the same time arresting different people was completely ignored – as were the defendants’ statements about the processes of altering charges and rewriting the paperwork in the period of detention; et cetera. For more information see Skupina “Svoboda vstajnikom!”, 2013.
